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News

News

Warning of ‘oligarchy,’ Biden channels Andrew Jackson

February 4, 2025

Daniel Feller, University of Tennessee

President Biden giving a speech from behind a desk
Joe Biden speaks to the nation on Jan. 15, 2025. Mandel Ngan/Pool/Getty Images

In some circumstances, a president’s official Farewell Address to the Nation may be an occasion for sunny reflection. President Joe Biden’s, delivered five days before he left office, began that way, with a celebration of America’s promise and of its progress under his tenure.

But midway through, Biden’s tone shifted abruptly, as he warned of a “dangerous concentration of power in the hands of a very few ultra-wealthy people, and the dangerous consequences if their abuse of power is left unchecked.”

In striking phrases, Biden charged that an “oligarchy” of “extreme wealth, power and influence” threatened not only Americans’ cherished legacy of equal opportunity, but their “basic rights and freedoms” and even the health of democracy itself. “We see the consequences all across America,” he observed. “And we’ve seen it before.”

Indeed. As historical grounding for his critique of today’s “tech-industrial complex,” Biden invoked President Dwight Eisenhower’s famous warning of a “military-industrial complex” in his 1961 Farewell Address. Reaching further back, Biden recalled the battle more than a century ago to tame the country’s industrial “robber barons.”

Yet, as scholars of American history well know, the roots of Biden’s rhetoric go back further still, to yet another president and another official Farewell Address: that of Andrew Jackson in 1837.

Biden and Jackson

The resemblances between the two addresses are striking, especially given the nearly two centuries that separate them. Like Biden, Jackson began in fatherly tones, basking in Americans’ accomplishments and prosperity, before turning to warn of the force that threatened them.

That force was a “moneyed interest” embodied in a “multitude of corporations with exclusive privileges,” especially banks, whose concentrated wealth and influence gave them power over working people’s livelihoods and well-being, their rights, and their voice in government.

Jackson warned that if ordinary Americans dropped their guard, they would find “that the most important powers of government have been given or bartered away, and the control over your dearest interests has passed into the hands of these corporations.”

Biden’s warning of “the concentration of technology, power, and wealth” in self-interested private hands echoed this theme precisely.

Not opposed to wealth per se

Addressing the nation, both Jackson and Biden took pains to explain that they were not criticizing wealth itself. In his 1832 veto of the Bank of the United States recharter – the signature policy statement of his administration – Jackson had applauded American opportunity and the rewards that “superior industry, economy, and virtue” might bring. The danger lay not in wealth alone, but in the control that wealth gave some over others.

“It is to be regretted,” Jackson had then said, “that the rich and powerful too often bend the acts of government to their selfish purposes.” Every man had a right to the fruits of his own labor – as Biden would later put it, the right to “a fair shot, an even playing field, going as far as your hard work and talent can take you.”

Hence no one, said Jackson, should decry the riches that some men earned for themselves. But when the laws went beyond that, working “to make the rich richer and the potent more powerful,” then “the humble members of society” had “a right to complain of the injustice of their Government.”

A recurring theme – especially for Democrats

Jackson’s words in his Bank Veto and Farewell Address pioneered what became a recurring theme in American political discourse.

A parting benediction is no place for party sniping, and Biden’s invocation of Eisenhower, a Republican, offered a gesture toward bipartisanship. His mention of the robber barons recalled another Republican president, Theodore Roosevelt, who famously busted trusts and decried what he called “malefactors of great wealth.”

A black-and-white editorial cartoon shows Andrew Jackson, Martin Van Buren and Jack Downing fighting a hydra-headed snake.
An editorial cartoon circa 1836 depicts Andrew Jackson ‘slaying the many headed monster.’ The largest of the heads is that of bank president Nicholas Biddle. Universal History Archive/Universal Images Group via Getty Images

Yet historically it has most often been Democrats who cast themselves as champions of the underdog, the little guy, the common man – what Jackson’s Farewell Address called “the agricultural, the mechanical, and the laboring classes … the bone and sinew of the country,” against “the rich and powerful.” Echoing Jackson, Democrats from William Jennings Bryan to Franklin Roosevelt to Sen. Elizabeth Warren have targeted big banks as wielders of illicit power and oppressors of the working people.

Recent shifts in society have muted this long-standing Democratic critique of concentrated wealth. Biden’s resuscitation of the old theme, while updating it to address new concerns – climate change, artificial intelligence, the spread of disinformation and of political dark money – represents a return to a recurring trope in American political discourse, and to a foundational identity for Biden’s Democratic Party.

Americans have been likening Andrew Jackson to Donald Trump ever since Trump himself proclaimed Jackson as his presidential model during his 2016 campaign. Trump has invoked Jacksonian precedents for his assertive foreign policy and his assault on the governing establishment, while critics have likened his immigration policy, and what they perceive as its racist underpinnings, to Jackson’s Native American removal and pro-slavery stances.

How much real resemblance Trump bears to Jackson, in either policy or personality, can be debated. But it is beyond doubt that, in warning of the threat of concentrated and unbridled power in the hands of a wealthy and privileged elite, Biden has recalled and reclaimed a Democratic Party heritage that traces back through Lyndon Johnson and Franklin Roosevelt to Woodrow Wilson, William Jennings Bryan – and finally to the party’s founder, Andrew Jackson.

Daniel Feller, Emeritus Professor of History, University of Tennessee

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Filed Under: News

The Declaration of Independence

The Military History of the Declaration of Independence Symposium 

February 4, 2025

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Faculty pose for a photo at an event by a UT History stand-up banner

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Headshot photo

In Memoriam: Paul Pinckney

December 11, 2024

Headshot photo of Paul Pinckney

It is with sadness that we learned that Paul J. Pinckney passed away on August 29, 2024. Dr. Pinckney joined the UTK History Department in 1969, retiring in 2006 to enjoy life with his wife Margaret, their children and grandchildren, and their cats. John Bohstedt, a former colleague, wrote us that “Paul personified and deepened the History Department’s core commitment to teaching and nurturing student growth.  He was a dear friend to many, and the sweet gatherings he and Margaret held enriched communal networks.”

Dr. Pinckney taught British history and loved taking students on study abroad trips to London. He won several teaching awards, including the University’s prestigious L. R. Hessler Award for Excellence in Teaching and Service.  Dr. Pinckney received his BA from Davidson College in 1954 and his PhD from Vanderbilt University in 1969. He taught at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill before moving to Knoxville. Davidson College posted an extended obituary on their In Memoriam site: https://inmemoriam.davidson.edu/2024/08/paul-jan-pinckney-54/. 

The Pinckney Scholarship fund was created in his honor by Pinckney’s former students, who remember him as a “devoted teacher and friend,” and as “challenging, enlightening, and inspiring.” Gifts in memory of Dr. Pinckney may be made to the Paul J. Pinckney Scholarship Endowment at UT by check payable to the UT Foundation, memo line: IMO Paul J. Pinckney, ACE # 0000122931. Send c/o UT Foundation, 1525 University Avenue, Knoxville, TN 37921. Phone: 865-974-2115

Secure online gifts may be made here: giving.utk.edu/pinckney

Alumni – Keep in touch: https://history.utk.edu/share-your-news/

Filed Under: News

John Clugg holding an award while wearing a jacket and tie in front of a KCS plaque

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Awards ceremony group photo

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Book party participants discussion

UT Faculty Authors Share Insight at Second Annual Book Party

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Victor Petrov headshot photo

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Red Dead’s History Launches with Film Premiere, National Coverage

August 9, 2024

Actor Roger Clark and UT Associate Professor Tore Olsson signed copies of Olsson’s book Red Dead’s History at the 2024 San Diego Comic-Con.
Actor Roger Clark and UT Associate Professor Tore Olsson signed copies of Olsson’s book Red Dead’s History at the 2024 San Diego Comic-Con.

Tore Olsson’s innovative history class inspired by the popular “Red Dead Redemption” video game series has been a hit with Big Orange students for the past few years. He now launches his new book inspired by the class, Red Dead’s History: A Video Game, An Obsession, and America’s Violent Past.

The book is already attracting national attention. Olsson and Roger Clark—who plays the lead role in Red Dead Redemption II and narrates the book’s audio edition—spoke and signed copies of the book and the game during this summer’s San Diego Comic-Con, one of the largest annual popular-culture events in the world.

“Participating as a speaker at Comic-Con was truly dreamlike,” said Olsson, associate professor and director of graduate studies in the UT Department of History. He and Clark spoke to a packed room of around 480 people during a panel session. “We answered thoughtful audience questions about college teaching, how video games can be a gateway to serious learning, and how questions of race and gender are subjects becoming more central to game narratives. Though I’ve given many public talks before, I’ve never seen a more rapt audience.”

More recently, the Wall Street Journal reviewed Red Dead’s History on the front of its book section, calling the book “innovative and highly engaging.” The Chronicle of Higher Education shared the story of how the class and the book “made history cool again.” The cable news channel C-SPAN will have a camera crew at Olsson’s book launch event at 6 p.m. Thursday, August 15, at the East Tennessee History Center. The event will also feature the premiere of the Land Grant Films documentary about his “Red Dead History” class.

Like the class that inspired it, the book examines how well the “Red Dead” games fare as recreations of history, exploring the real violence and political turbulence between 1870 and 1920, and what can be learned to understand contemporary American culture.

“Red Dead Redemption II, like most best-selling games today, places violence front and center to its entertainment formula,” said Olsson. “The America of the late 1800s was indeed a violent place—yet for different reasons than shown in the video games.

The game usually offers a stereotypical “wild west” style of competition involving violence: bullets fly during robberies, over personal grudges, or from too much whiskey. 

“Real American violence was instead usually wound up with big social dilemmas,” said Olsson. “Particularly the questions of big business and its control over regular people, and whether the US would realize its post-Civil-War promise of racial equality. These were hotly contested issues, and ones that often spurred bloodshed.”

Many elements in the video game are inspired by real-world people and places. The city of Saint Denis, for example, is a stand-in for New Orleans circa 1899.

“The game does a nice job capturing the architecture and the human diversity of the city, but it falls short on many other questions,” said Olsson. “In the book, I explore the place of Italian immigrants within the city, and what it looked like when outlaws and the police traded fire. On both topics the game diverges from the reality of turn-of-the-century New Orleans.”

The book follows a similar format to Olsson’s class, looking at different geographic regions and key thematic topics within each. In “The West,” Olsson discusses cowboys, railroads, and the Pinkerton agency. In “The Deep South,” he looks at the history of the Ku Klux Klan, chain gangs, and women’s suffrage.

Olsson wanted the book to be accessible and engaging to a wide, non-academic audience and wrote it with storytelling in mind, often infusing it with his teaching persona and voice, resulting in a more conversational approach that he says might give students who took his class some “déjà vu” while reading it. Still, it gave him the chance to delve much deeper into the subjects than he could in a classroom setting.

“With the book there’s no exam at the end of the semester, so I could take more liberties in layering new information without worrying about what students could retain for an exam,” he said. “The book is in many ways even richer in content than the class.”

By Randall Brown

Filed Under: News

A video game player holding a controller

Tore Olsson in ‘The Conversation’: Why I turned the ‘Red Dead Redemption II’ video game into a history class on America’s violent past

July 22, 2024

a video game player holding a controller
The video game ‘Red Dead Redemption II’ has sold over 64 million copies. Can it be used to teach history, too? MTStock Studio via Getty Images
Tore Olsson, University of Tennessee
Text saying: Uncommon Courses, from The Conversation

Uncommon Courses is an occasional series from The Conversation U.S. highlighting unconventional approaches to teaching.

Title of course:

Red Dead’s History: Exploring America’s Violent Past Through the Hit Video Game

What prompted the idea for the course?

This course was born during the COVID-19 pandemic. Confronting the lockdowns of 2020 and uncertain months spent at home, I rekindled a high school hobby that I had neglected for two decades – video gaming.

One of the first games I picked up was “Red Dead Redemption II,” set in a fictionalized America of 1899. The game follows the Van der Linde gang, a diverse crew of idealistic outlaws, as they flee authority in an increasingly ordered and hierarchical world. Since its 2018 release, the game has sold more than 64 million copies, making it the seventh on the list of all-time bestselling video games – and the only historically themed one on the list.

While video games had been a mindless pastime in high school, this time around I was playing as a professor who specialized in U.S. history since the Civil War. And though that made me a far more critical gamer, I was also genuinely surprised at how often RDRII – as it is often called – alluded to major topics that historians have spent generations debating.

These topics include corporate capitalism, settler colonialism, women’s suffrage and the inequalities of race in an era that Mark Twain had called the “Gilded Age” – a period where the dazzling wealth of a small handful sharply contrasted with the misery of common people. These weighty topics were often on the game’s sidelines, rather than at center stage – but they were present nevertheless.

It wasn’t long into my playthrough that an epiphany struck me. Given how wildly popular this game was with college-age Americans, why not try teaching a serious history course that used the fictional content of the games as a springboard to jump into some of the thorniest dilemmas of the American past?

The experiment proved a success. The course was wildly popular with students and also garnered wide media coverage for its unusual approach to teaching with pop culture.

Encouraged by this response, I’ve now adapted the course into a book for both gamers and history buffs around the world, titled “Red Dead’s History: A Video Game, An Obsession, and America’s Violent Past,” set to be released in August 2024. An extra bonus is that the audiobook version will be narrated by Roger Clark, who played RDRII’s protagonist.

What does the course explore?

Given the centrality of violence to the video game, the course seeks to understand what really spurred bloodshed in the United States between 1865 and 1920.

In RDRII, gunfire is usually sparked by personal grudges, robberies or the overconsumption of alcohol. But in Gilded Age America, it wasn’t so simple. Instead, broader social problems were the primary catalyst of violence. First, Americans fought over the emerging regime of corporate capitalism. Should new businesses like U.S. Steel and the Union Pacific Railroad, who wielded never-before-seen power and influence, dominate workers and consumers alike? Many resisted such an idea through protests, strikes and sometimes bloodshed.

Secondly, Americans came to blows over the unfulfilled promises of racial equality that were written into the U.S. Constitution after the Civil War. Especially in the South, where the vast majority of African Americans lived, the formerly enslaved and their descendants demanded inclusion in politics and a chance to progress economically. But many white Southerners resisted such efforts, often using terrorism to push their Black neighbors into subservient positions.

Why is this course relevant now?

American society in the late 19th century was ruptured by inequalities wrought by capitalism and race – and so is ours today. In the wake of Black Lives Matter and Occupy Wall Street, it’s wise that we look back at the long road that brought America to its contemporary dilemmas of racial violence and the gap between rich and poor. A handy way to open that conversation with young Americans is through video games – an industry that has now surged in value to eclipse both music and movies, and which might be the key to reaching this generation’s students, as studies are beginning to show.

A young man plays a video game.
Video games are proving to be an effective way to reach today’s students. Chesnot via Getty Images

What’s a critical lesson from the course?

One key lesson is about the city of New Orleans, fictionalized in RDRII as “Saint Denis.” In the game, the outlaw protagonists trade fire with the city’s blue-coated policemen following a botched bank robbery, leaving bodies in the streets. Few gamers could guess that a similarly bloody firefight with the police riveted the real city in 1900, just a year after the game is set, leaving seven officers dead. Yet here the outlaw was a Black man, Robert Charles, who took a violent stand against police abuse and the emerging system of Jim Crow segregation.

In response to his attacks on the police, white mobs roamed the city and indiscriminately killed Black civilians. Therefore, the explosion of violence in New Orleans was produced not by simple banditry but by one of America’s towering social dilemmas.

What materials does the course feature?

I frequently begin course sessions with a brief video cutscene or gameplay footage from RDRII, before we dive into the actual history that the games represent – or sometimes, misrepresent. For reading, students dive into scholarly monographs such as historian K. Stephen Prince’s “The Ballad of Robert Charles”, on the violent dilemmas of race in New Orleans. They also read a range of original sources, such as cowboy memoirs, train schedules and a Texas newspaper from 1899.

What will the course prepare students to do?

Anyone who has taken my class – or read my new book – will know that the big social problems we are wrestling with today have deep roots, and took their modern shape during the same 1865-1920 period that is memorably captured in RDRII. They’ll also become much more discerning consumers of digital media, and games in particular; they’ll be better able to assess and critique representations of history on the digital screen.The Conversation

Tore Olsson, Associate Professor of History, University of Tennessee

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Filed Under: News

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